Thursday, November 19, 2015

Blue Nile state civil war have to be finished!!!!

The Sudanese rebels’ national agenda is causing local harm

SPLM-North’s insistence on negotiating with the government about national issues only – rather than giving priority to South Kordofan and Blue Nile – is hurting the people of the Two Areas.
Nuba Refugees
Refugees from the Nuba mountains. Photo credit: Tom Albinson.
After yet more missed deadlines, Sudan is gearing up for talks again. The coming rounds consist of two tracks.
The first is between the government of Sudan (GoS) and the Sudan Revolutionary Front (SRF) rebel alliance. The agenda will be limited to the terms of a cessation of hostility agreement and arrangements for the delivery of humanitarian assistance and administrative arrangements for conflict areas.
The second is a preparatory meeting for the National Dialogue, which will include the armed movements, the National Umma Party (NUP), the Sudan Consensus Forces (SCF) opposition alliance and the governing National Congress Party (NCP), to discuss the arrangements needed to create a conducive environment to pave the way for a genuine national dialogue to start inside Sudan.
However, recent developments will cast long shadows on the negotiations, including the following:
  • The dispute over the chairmanship of the SRF, its impact on the Sudan Call Alliance with the unarmed opposition and the joint negotiation positions of the armed movements, as well as the disagreement over how Sudanese civil society will be represented in the talks.
  • SPLM-N’s internal arguments, including the challenges to its leadership, and the absence of voices of its core constituency on the ongoing political discourse.
  • The NCP’s problems, including the poor election turnout in April 2015, and the failure of the National Dialogue to generate the popular support needed to gain some legitimacy.
  • The deepening economic crisis facing the country. The government is running out of options to address it without the support of the international community in terms of aid, removal of US sanctions and debt relief. The government is planning to remove subsidies from grain and fuel, increasing their prices by over 50%. That will put extra inflationary pressure on the economy – and might lead to civic unrest similar to September 2013.
  • The inability of the warring factions to make a decisive military victory, and so impose a military solution.
As far as the first track goes, and despite the SRF’s claims of a united position, SPLM-N and NCP negotiations would be less complicated than the negotiations involving the Darfuri armed movements as here there are many external elements involved. But SPLM-North needs to change its approach, because the people of the Two Areas are suffering.
SPLM-N’s wasted opportunities
Shortly after the war in South Kordofan between SPLA-N and GoS broke out in early June 2011, the two parties began talking. In 28 June 2011 they signed a Framework Agreement, but this was later rejected by President Bashir. Since then they have held 9 rounds of negotiations, without reaching a final agreement.
The major difference between the two parties is that the SPLM-N delegation wants to discuss national issues but the NCP insists on restricting the negotiations to the Two Areas based on the Two Areas protocol in the CPA signed in 2005. During the 9 rounds of negotiations the NCP was very skillful as they managed to water down the Tripartite agreement on delivery of humanitarian assistance, and the UN Security Council resolution 2046. The NCP also refused to attend the pre-National Dialogue meeting, according to the African Union Peace and Security Council’s communiqué of its 456 meeting.
However, SPLM-N failed to exert the needed pressure on them. The NCP strategy is not to give any ground and to keep the status quo as that is their best option: they are in power, and have control of the country and its resources.
The insistence of SPLM-N not to discuss issues related to the Two Areas and only focus on national issues stopped the negotiations from making any progress nationally or for the Two Areas.
AUHIP was correct in putting the negotiations on hold after they presented detailed accounts of the previous rounds of negotiations in January 2015, highlighting the differences between the two parties and asking them to come up with proposals to narrow their differences. When the parties failed to do that the whole negotiations were suspended, even the humanitarian issues, at the time when the suffering of civilians affected by the conflicts has increased.
This is not only the civilian population within areas controlled by SPLM-N. The majority of people affected by the conflict in the Nuba mountains are in others parts of Sudan and GoS refuses to recognised them as Internally Displaced People (IDPs) so they can get some assistance. They have been left in miserable conditions.
It is unfair for the people of conflicts zones and those directly affected by the wars – which have led to huge loss of lives and the destruction of the livelihood of so many – to wait for a national settlement. The war between SPLA-N and GoS has a national impact, but the direct cause of the war was due to the dispute over the result of the regional election of the governor and the Legislative Council in South Kordofan (as the latter was supposed to carry out the Popular Consultations which would to determine the final status of the state).
Addressing the underlying causes of the conflicts in the Two Areas will serve the national process as it can be used as a model to address similar problems in other parts of Sudan such as Darfur and Eastern Sudan, and it can also be included in the upcoming constitutional process. It is clear that a solution to the Two Areas crises will positively contribute to the national settlement while at the same time addressing the distinct nature of the Two Areas.
The arguments of the chief negotiator of SPLM-N for not discussing the issues of the Two Areas have wasted a great opportunity to address the underlying causes of the conflicts in these areas, benefiting from some of the good provisions within the Two Areas protocol which allow great devolution of power for the Two Areas, as that represented the demand of the majority of the people of these areas.
I totally agree that the problem lay in Khartoum (the centre). But there are two ways to weaken the centre: either by dismantling its institutions and rebuilding them; or by strengthening the regions and allowing them to have more control over their affairs, especially the resources.
According to the new arrangements by AUHIP, the coming round of talks will not discuss these issues as they will be deferred to the National Dialogue, with no guarantee that the people of the Two Areas and other marginalised parts of Sudan will get a fairer deal.
Their fight will not only be against the NCP. Many other forces in the centre want to keep central control over the regions and their resources. The real struggle in Sudan is Centre-Peripheries, and that is the main cause of marginalisation, lack of social justice and uneven development.
SPLA-N skilfully managed to repulse the military offensive of SAF and its proxy militias during the so-called Summer attacks (the Hot Summer and Decisive Summer operations) in 2012, 2013 and 2014, but they failed to capitalise on that politically.
This was mainly due to the luck of consultation among its wider constituencies and the heavy-handed approach in dealing with any views which differ from the leadership, and their failure to build institutional structures so the outcome of each round of negotiations can be discussed and assessed within the movement’s institutions. Unfortunately they are reproducing all the weaknesses of Sudanese political parties which include the lack of transparency, accountability and democratic practices.
I highly welcome AUHIP’s announcement that talks between SPLM-N, Darfuri armed movements and the government of Sudan on cessation of hostilities and humanitarian issues will resume in Addis Ababa. Let’s hope the parties reach an agreement on stopping the fighting, and open access for delivery of humanitarian assistance as that will pave the way for IDPs to go back to their villages and alleviate some of the suffering of the people affected by the conflicts.
But to achieve a fairer political settlement for people in the conflicts areas and Sudanese in marginalised areas in general we need to build a wider civic coalition to organise and mobilise these people, so they can all work together to achieve that objective. These wars have gone on too long, and this terrible situation can’t continue endlessly.
Hafiz Ismail Mohamed is a civil society activist and the Director of Justice Africa Sudan.

Saturday, November 14, 2015

Wounded Sudan.

Lwandamina wary of wounded Sudan



George Lwandamina is wary of a wounded Sudan in this Sunday’s home leg of their 2018 World Cup second round, final leg qualifier.
Zambia host Sudan at Levy Mwanawasa Stadium in Ndola armed with a 1-0 away first leg win picked up on November 11 in Karima.
The victory was picked up in harsh conditions on a dusty patch at Karima Stadium located 400 kilometers north of Khartoum.
“This is different game all together. What is important is to bury what is now history and focus on the next game,” Lwandamina said.
“It won’t be easy, they (Sudan) are wounded and we have to approach it with the seriousness it deserves.”
Meanwhile, Zambia returned home from Sudan on Friday afternoon on the same scheduled flight as their opponents Sudan from Khartoum to Ndola via Addis Ababa.
The Sudanese were first to disembark at Ndola Airport and went through their entry formalities followed by the hosts.
Zambia later held its first training session back home late Friday afternoon at the match venue while Sudan practiced up the road at Arthur Davies Stadium in Kitwe.
Chipolopolo only need a draw this Sunday at home to eliminate Sudan and advance to the final group qualifying stage to commence in 2016.
Twenty teams will contest for Africa’s five slots at that stage on the final route to the 2018 finals in Moscow.

Money to stop migration to rich countries.

Giving money to Eritrea and Sudan to stop refugees is almost satire

Offering financial incentives to repressive governments shows deeply flawed logic that ignores the reasons people flee from home
 A migrant waits to disembark in Sicilian harbour of Messina, Italy. Photograph: Antonio Parrinello/Reuters
Friday 13 November 2015 




African governments have been offered €1.8bn to help stem the flow of refugees to Europe. Yet the migrants European leaders want to “send back” are in many cases fleeing the governments the EU is now collaborating with.
It could almost be satire. Amongst those present at the Malta summit in Valletta were Sudan, Eritrea and Ethiopia – widely condemned for their disregard of human rights.
In Sudan, for example, according to the High Commission for Refugees there are 400,000 internally displaced people in Darfur, thanks to continued conflictbetween rebel groups and government forces. A further 6.9 million people are in need for humanitarian assistance. By the end of 2015, the UN estimates there could be up to 460,000 refugees in Sudan alone.

Can $2bn for Africa stem the refugee crisis?

 
Read more
For many in Sudan, smuggling and trafficking has become a lucrative business. Reliable sources in the country allege that many National Intelligence and Security Service officers have been involved in human smuggling for financial gain. The security force are also alleged to be involved in trafficking operations in eastern Sudan and Darfur, transporting refugees up in to Libya. 
Amnesty International was quick to point out these contradictions, arguing that the EU should not cooperate with those guilty of grave human rights abuses. “With the EU seemingly intent on enlisting African nations as proxy gatekeepers, the Valetta summit is likely to result in a one-sided border control contract dressed up as a cooperation agreement. Refugees and migrants deserve and are entitled to better,” said Iverna McGowan, acting director of Amnesty International’s European Institutions Office.
To date, there has been no evidence that the EU’s previous financial incentives to Omar al-Bashir’s government have made any positive impact on the crisis, so why will they now?
In November last year, the EU launched another controversial policy, known as the Khartoum Process. Announced in Rome, it pledged to tackle human smuggling from the Horn of Africa into Europe by providing countries in the region with financial, technical and political incentives to manage and control migration.
As part of this, the EU pledged to offer Sudan and Eritrea significant payments. However, in the absence of monitoring mechanisms and transparency, these funds will likely disappear without trace, swallowed by two government who are currently under international sanctions for human rights abuses.

Europe's €1.8bn fund to tackle migration crisis not enough, say Africans

 
Read more
Writing in African Arguments, migration researchers Maimuna Mohamud and Cindy Horst said the Khartoum Process represented a “worrying precedent”.
All participants of the Khartoum Process ... have policies and political systems that directly render them responsible for creating conditions that produce refugees and migrants in the first place,” they argued.
Last month, Mike Smith, chair of the commission of inquiry on human rights in Eritrea, emphasised the significant number of Eritreans arriving on the shores of Europe: after Syrians and Afghans, they made up the third biggest group of people attempting to enter in 2014.
But EU leaders seem to be turning a blind eye to this, once again turning to cash incentives as quick fixes.
For a meaningful solution to the problem, the EU should be forcing the issue of conflict in Darfur, or pressurising Isaias Afwerki’s government to end indefinite military service in Eritrea. Only this way will the root of the problem be addressed.


Tuesday, September 29, 2015

Sudan news.

Sudanese media awash with presidential pardon for the rebels

Posted by: APA Posted date : September 23, 2015 at 2:14 pm UTC 104 views In : Africa

Sudanese newspapers on Wednesday focused on a presidential decree issued on Tuesday by President Omar al Bashir granting pardon to the rebels to allow them participate in the national dialogue due to take place in Khartoum in October.
Sudan Tribune (English) newspaper said that President al-Bashir Tuesday has pardoned rebel leaders who are to participate in the national dialogue conference, and declared a two-month ceasefire in the war areas.
According to the official news agency (SUNA) Tuesday, Bashir issued a republican decree granting general amnesty for the leaders and members of the armed movements taking part in the national dialogue conference. Also, he issued another decree declaring a two-month ceasefire in the conflict areas.
The national dialogue conference is scheduled for 20 October 2015.
Several rebels and their leaders including the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/North (SPLM-N) chairman Malik Agar and secretary-general Yasser Arman had been sentenced to death by Sudanese courts.
The two decrees come after a pledge al-Bashir made during the opening session of the national dialogue’s general assembly last August in which he expressed readiness to declare a two-month ceasefire in order to hold the dialogue in a healthy atmosphere.
The Sudanese army has been fighting SPLM-N rebels in South Kordofan and Blue Nile states since 2011 and the armed movements in Darfur since 2003.
Bashir launched the national dialogue initiative in January 2014 but the process suffered major setbacks after the withdrawal of the opposition National Umma Party (NUP) and the non-participation of the rebels as well as leftist forces.
Sudan Vision (English) newspaper has also reported that President Al-Bashir has officially announced a general amnesty for the Sudanese rebels to allow them to participate in the dialogue to solve the Sudanese crisis including the stoppage of the continuous civil war in Darfur, South Kordoafn and Blue Nile states.
It is the second time Bashir is announcing a general pardon for the rebels after the general amnesty he offered last May when he won the elections boycotted by the civil opposition and the rebels.
The paper said that President Bashir has issued a presidential decree that declares a general amnesty for the leaders and members of the Sudanese armed groups that participate in the national dialogue on Tuesday.
Alsudani (Arabic) newspaper stated that the president also issued another ceasefire decree for two months in the conflict areas in Sudan. He did not mention at what time this ceasefire would come into effect.
It is the second time that Al Bashir has declared a two-month cessation of hostilities in the country. Rebel movements under the banner of the Sudan Revolutionary Front also announced their readiness to sign a six-month ceasefire with the government forces and allied militias.
Neither party has thus far suggested when and where to hold their negotiations about the implementation and monitoring of the ceasefire.
The rebels have decried that the national army is still violating the ceasefire despite President Bashir’s declaration.
However, Hurriyat (Arabic) newspaper has quoted the rebel alliance of the Sudanese Revolutionary Front (SRF) as refusing the presidential offer, describing it as “Political propaganda”. It quoted the SRF chairman Malik Agar as rejecting the offer. Agar said that the current amnesty is concerning the parties who have already agreed to participate in the dialogue inside Sudan.
We have nothing to do with this offer it is just for ‘Political propaganda’. We call on the government to be serious and come to the pre-dialogue meeting in Addis Ababa according to the AU roadmap,” he stressed.
Signature : APA
Copyright : © APA

Thursday, September 3, 2015

Help us to return back!!!

أنقذونا.. تاني..؟!!
أنقذونا.. تاني..؟!!


09-03-2015 10:49 AM
صلاح أحمد عبدالله

* يا ترجعونا محل ما لقيتونا.. في ذلك اليوم.. وذلك الشهر.. وفي تلك السنة.. يا تلموا عزالكم وترحلوا.. أنتم والشركاء من أصحاب الفتات.. وحلال عليكم سلطة وثروة أكثر من ربع قرن..؟!!* بدون زعل.. وواقع الحال يحكي ويقول إن شعار إنقاذ الوطن.. وهي لله ولا للسلطة ولا للجاه.. وأمريكا وروسيا قد دنا عذابهما.. وقمحنا كتير بكفينا.. ولو أن بغلة عثرت في شوارع الديم.. لخاف من أجلها المعتمد.. أن يسأل الله.. والكثير من الشعارات (الضاربة).. كل ذلك عفا عليه الزمن ويكذبه الواقع..

* ذهب ثلث البلد.. مساحةً وسكاناً.. بعد اتفاقية نيفاشا.. كما ذهب البترول والقليل المتبقي لنا.. اختفت عائداته في ظروف غامضة.. ولكنها ظهرت داخل بطون وكروش ضخمة غصباً عن أصحابها.. خارج البلاد أو داخلها..!! حتى أن قطبي المهدي أحد أقطاب المؤتمر الوطني.. يصفها بأنها كانت اتفاقية (غفلة).. وهناك اتفاق خفي صاحبها.. رغم أن هذا القائل كان ذات يوم أحد أساطين المخابرات.. وله قضية عملات أجنبية كثيرة اختفت من دولاب ملابسه وداخل غرفة نومه.. بواسطة أحد حراسه الشخصيين..؟!! (أخبار القضية شنو؟)!!

* في الوقت الذي تم في السنوات الأولى إعدام مواطنين سودانيين في عملات أجنبية هي نتاج كد أهلهم وثمرة كفاحهم.. وُجدت داخل خزائن منازلهم.. كما تم إعدام شهداء رمضان من العسكريين بتهمة الاشتراك في محاولة انقلابية.. ليلة العيد.. والسنوات تمر وتنهار بنيات الدولة الإسلامية.. التي حمتها السنين الطوال من الفاقة والفقر.. مشروع الجزيرة.. السكة الحديد.. النقل النهري.. النقل البحري.. سودانير.. المخازن والمهمات.. النقل الميكانيكي.. وقبل كل هذا.. الكفاءة والخبرة السودانية التي ذهبت إلى الصالح العام.. أو الشارع العام.. وما ترتب على ذلك الكثير من المآسي الاجتماعية..!!* القبضة الجديدة تشتد.. ويسقط الضحايا في بورتسودان.. وكجبار.. وتهون النفس والأرض على الأهل في الشمال.. تعويضات مروي.. واعتصام المناصير.. والحقوق المهدرة.. والنيران تشتعل في دارفور.. وجنوب كردفان.. والنيل الأزرق.. وقلق في الشرق.. وأكثر منه قلقاً في الشمال البعيد.. الذي كان هادئاً.. ووادعاً.. ومسالماً..؟!!

* ونواب البرلمان في وادي الصمت.. أو أخدود المصالح.. والتصفيق والتهليل.. والبرلمانات الولائية.. ومجالسها التشريعية (كلها).. ومجلس الولايات.. الكل يعيش في عالم خاص.. من المصالح الخاصة.. لا يشعرون كيف يعيش الشعب.. ويعمل.. ويكتسب قوت يومه.. مادامت مخصصاتهم تصل حتى عتبة دورهم..؟!!* الخرطوم تشتعل في سبتمبر 2013م.. الغلاء يطحن الناس.. الشباب يخرجون إلى الشوارع.. الرصاص يحصدهم.. يبكيهم أهلهم.. ولا أحد ينعيهم.. ويتنكرون حتى لأرقام وأعداد الضحايا.. والدولة تقول إنها تحقق في ذلك..؟؟ وستقتص لهم.. ولا جديد رغم تعاقب الشهور.. والأيام.. ويبشروننا بعد ذلك بالمزيد من الزيادات.. الأخبار (وشمارات) الاقتصاد تقول إنها تشمل (الدقيق) والغاز.. والله يكضب الشينة.. والإنقاذ مازالت مستمرة.. في (إنقاذنا) من شنو ؟ ..لا أحد يعرف حتى سر الصمت الرهيب.. وقبول طأطأة الرؤوس.. والإذلال..؟!!

*ينقذون من؟.. من؟!.. من؟.. (نعم) لقد أفلحوا في إنقاذ أنفسهم (جداً) من أيام الجوع والمسغبة.. والمعيشة في الشوارع الخلفية للمدن والدساكر البعيدة.. وتغير الحال العام والخاص.. والأكثر خصوصية.. وبعد أن تمكنوا جيداً من مفاصل الدولة سلطة وثروة.. تفرغوا تماماً لمشاريعهم الخاصة.. دون النظر إلى حال وبؤس شعبهم.. وبعد ذلك يتكلمون عن المشروع الحضاري.. وأنهم رسل العناية الإلهية اللأرض

*الإنقاذ.. ماذا تريد من شعبها بعد كل ذلك؟ ..(حوار)؟ .. لماذا ومع من ؟ هل لتقاسم السلطة .. والثروة ومع من؟ .. وهل الحركات المسلحة تريد فعلاً الحضور والمشاركة؟ وهل حضورها من أجل أهلهم.. وأهلنا في دارفور؟ أم أن الأمر برمته لا يخلو من (حركات) مثلما حصل في فندق السلام (روتانا) ما بين جماعة السيسي.. وجماعة أبو قردة.. وهل ما حصل تقاسم أدوار.. أم من أجل أموال؟.. وأمام عدد من الدبلوماسيين الأجانب؟!!

*بصراحة.. الإنقاذ هذه.. اكتفت وأعطت كل ما عندها؟! بدليل أن منسوبيها من الكبار تجولوا في ردهات السلطة ومكاتبها ودورها.. أكثر من ربع قرن.. الكثيرون منهم قادونا من فشل إلى آخر.. انعكس كمثال واضح في تردي خدمات ولاية كبرى كالخرطوم.. يحاول واليها الجديد أن يفعل شيئاً؟!

*رغم أن (الحتات) كلها باعوها.. أو كما قال؟!!
الجريدة

Monday, December 1, 2014

News of Sudan ... I NEED TO SHUT UP AND WRITE NO WORD!

Home | News    Monday 1 December 2014
Sudanese president urges UNAMID to leave Darfur

November 30, 2014 (KHARTOUM) – Sudanese president Omer al-Bashir said the African union United Nations Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) has become a security burden and called on the peacekeepers to leave the country.
 “We want a clear plan for the exit of UNAMID from Darfur,” Bashir said in a press conference held on Sunday, adding: “We have instructed the foreign ministry to work with the United Nations to end the presence of UNAMID in Darfur.”
Relations between the hybrid operation in Darfur and the Sudanese government after reports accusing the Sudanese army of mass rape in North Darfur earlier in November.
The Sudanese authorities denied the allegations of sexual abuse and accused the mission of echoing unverified media reports before to investigate it. Khartoum also summoned the acting head of the mission following a report saying that the heavy presence of military and police made a conclusive investigation difficult.
Sudanese president stressed that “UNAMID has become a security burden on the Sudanese army more than a supportive to its forces in the protection of civilians, and unable to protect themselves”.
“UNAMID has failed to protect civilians and instead become protector to the rebels,” he said.
The joint peacekeeping mission recently confirmed receipt of a note verbal from the government of Sudan referring to the need for an exit strategy.
In August the UN Security Council in its resolution 2173 extended the mission’s mandate for 10 more months and suggested it consider forming advance plans for its eventual departure from Darfur.
Bashir accused foreign circles saying they are behind the alleged rape of 200 women in Darfur adding they intend to disturb the stability in the region as the army “managed to defeat the rebel movements which now have limited presence in some pockets”.
“They want to escalate the issue to confuse the improvement of the (security) situation in Darfur and the increasing development projects there,” he said.
(ST)

Thursday, November 27, 2014

BLUE NILE AND THE FUNJ.

Storia del FUG storia Nel XV secolo la parte della Nubia precedentemente controllata da Makuria era sede di una serie di piccoli Stati e soggetti a frequenti incursioni dai nomadi del deserto. La situazione in Alodia è meno noto, ma sembra anche come se quello stato era crollato. L'area è stata riunificata sotto Abdallah Jamma, il raccoglitore, che è venuto dalle regioni orientali che erano cresciuti ricco e potente dal commercio sul Mar Rosso. L'impero di Abdallah è stato di breve durata, come nei primi anni del XVI secolo il popolo Fung sotto Amara Dunkas arrivati da sud, essendo stato guidato nord dalla Shilluk. Il Funj sconfitto Abdallah e creare il proprio regno in base a Sennar. Il Fung aveva inizialmente praticato un mix religioso di animismo e cristianesimo. L'Islam ha avuto una notevole influenza, e nel 1523 la monarchia Sennar convertito ufficialmente che la religione, anche se molti elementi delle credenze precedenti continuato. Sennar si espanse rapidamente a scapito degli Stati vicini. Il suo potere è stato esteso il Gezira, il Butana, il Bayuda, e del sud Kordofan. Ciò ha causato tensioni con i vicini immediati. Etiopia sentiva molto minacciata ma i suoi problemi interni impedito l'intervento. Recentemente Ottomano Egitto ha visto anche il nuovo stato come una minaccia e invaso in vigore, ma poi non è riuscito a conquistare la zona, in modo che le forze ottomane fortificato al confine e consolidato la loro presa sul nord Nubia. Questo confine terrebbe fino al 1821. I rapporti con l'Etiopia sono state più tese come due stati gareggiato su pianura tra i due Stati. Alla fine gli etiopi trasferirono la loro capitale nella vicina Gondar e fissato la loro influenza su tali aree. Conflitti con il Shilluk a sud hanno continuato, ma poi i due sono stati costretti a una difficile alleanza per combattere la crescente potenza dei Dinka. Sotto Sultan Badi II, Sennar sconfitto il Regno del Regno di Taqali a ovest e ha fatto il suo sovrano (stile Woster o Makk) il suo vassallo. Gli eserciti di Sennar affidamento più sulla cavalleria pesante: cavalieri tratte dalla nobiltà, armati di lunghe spade come le staffe punta che hanno usato non consentire l'uso di lance. Questi piloti hanno blindate con cotta di maglia, mentre i cavalli erano coperte di trapunte di spessore e copricapo di rame. Una maggiore massa di truppe erano fanti che erano composte da schiavi, anche portando spade e blindati. Questo esercito permanente in piedi era presidiata in castelli e fortezze in tutto il sultanato. La dipendenza da un esercito permanente ha fatto sì che gli eserciti messe in campo da Sennar erano di solito piuttosto piccola, ma altamente efficace contro i loro rivali meno organizzati. Sennar è stato fortemente diviso lungo linee geografiche e razziali / etnici. La società era divisa in sei gruppi razziali. Il blu, il verde, il giallo, il rosso, il verde mista con il giallo, e gli schiavi che sono stati portati da più a sud. La capitale, prospera attraverso il commercio, ha ospitato i rappresentanti provenienti da tutto il Medio Oriente e l'Africa. C'era una netta divisione tra quelli che erano gli eredi dell'antico regno di Alodia e il resto del Sennar. I Alodians adottato il manto degli sconfitti Abdallah Jamma e venne ad essere conosciuto come il Abdallab. Alla fine del XVI secolo, si alzarono in rivolta sotto Ajib il Grande. Ajib indirizzato Re di Sennar, prima che li rende suoi vassalli e poi cogliendo quasi tutto il regno nel 1606. Il Sennar monarchia raggruppate sotto Adlan I, sconfiggendo Ajib in un paio di battaglie decisive. Alla fine un compromesso è stato raggiunto per cui Ajib ei suoi successori avrebbero governato la provincia di Sennar Dongola con una grande autonomia. Sennar era al suo apice alla fine del XVI secolo, ma nel corso del XVII ha cominciato a diminuire il potere della monarchia è stata erosa. La ricchezza e il potere dei sultani avevano a lungo appoggiato sul controllo dell'economia. Tutte le roulotte erano controllati dal monarca, come era la fornitura d'oro che ha funzionato come valuta principale dello Stato. Nel tempo è stato eroso questo potere. Le valute estere si è diffuso da mercanti rompere il potere del monarca per controllare da vicino l'economia. Il commercio fiorente ha creato una classe benestante di mercanti istruiti e colti, che hanno letto ampiamente sull'Islam e che sono diventate molto preoccupato per la mancanza di ortodossia nel regno. La monarchia di Sennar era stato a lungo considerato come semi-divino, in linea con le tradizioni antiche, ma questa idea corse fortemente in contrasto con l'Islam. Molti festival e rituali persistito anche da giorni precedenti, e un loro numero coinvolto il consumo massiccio di alcol. Queste tradizioni sono stati abbandonati. La sfida più grande per l'autorità del re era il ulema mercante finanziato che ha insistito che era giustamente il loro dovere di far giustizia. Nel 1762 Badi IV fu rovesciato da un colpo di stato lanciato da Abu Likayik del rosso Hamaj da nord-est del paese. Abu Likayik installato un altro membro della famiglia reale come il suo sultano burattino e governò come reggente. Questo ha cominciato lungo conflitto tra il Fung sultani tentativo di riaffermare la loro indipendenza e autorità e reggenti Hamaj che tentano di mantenere il controllo del vero potere dello stato. Queste divisioni interne notevolmente indebolito lo stato e alla fine del 1700 Mek Adlan II, figlio di Mek Taifara, presero il potere in un periodo turbolento in cui una presenza turca veniva istituito nel regno Fung. Il sovrano turco, Al-Tahir Agha, sposato Khadeeja, figlia di Mek Adlan II. Ciò ha aperto la strada per l'assimilazione del Fung nell'Impero Ottomano. Nel 1821, Ismail bin Muhammad Ali il generale e figlio del Khedive nominalmente ottomano d'Egitto, Muhammad Ali, guidò un esercito in Sennar; ha incontrato alcuna resistenza da parte l'ultimo re, il cui regno è stato prontamente assorbito Ottomano Egitto. La regione è stato successivamente assorbito nel Sudan anglo-egiziano e la Repubblica indipendente del Sudan per l'indipendenza del paese nel 1956. Righelli di Sennar Amara Dunqas 1503-1533 / 4 (AH 940) Nayil 1533/4 (AH 940) -1550/1 (AH 957) Abd al-Qadir I 1550/1 (AH 957) -1557/8 (AH 965) Abu Sakikin 1557/8 (AH 965) -1568 Dakin 1568-1585 / 6 (AH 994) Dawra 1585/6 (AH 994) -1587/8 (AH 996) Tayyib 1587/8 (AH 996) -1591 Unsa I 1591-1603 / 4 (AH 1012) Abd al-Qadir II 1603/4 (AH 1012) -1606 Adlan I 1606-1611 / 2 (AH 1020) Badi I 1611/2 (AH 1020) -1616/7 (AH 1025) Rabat I 1616/7 (AH 1025) -1644/5 Badi II 1644 / 5-1681 Unsa II 1681-1692 Badi III 1692-1716 Unsa III 1719-1720 nul 1720-1724 Badi IV 1724-1762 Nasir 1762-1769 Isma'il 1768-1769 Adlan II 1776-1789 Awkal 1787-1788 Tayyib II 1788-1790 Badi V 1790 Nàwwar 1790-1791 Badi VI 1791-1798 Ranfi 1798-1804 Agban 1804-1805 Badi VII 1805-1821 reggenti Hamaj Abu Likayik - 1769-1775 / 6 Badi walad Rajab - 1775 / 6-1780 Rajab 1780-1786 / 7 Nasir 1786 / 7-1788 Riferimenti R.S. O'Fahey e J.L Spaulding Regni del Sudan Annulla modifiche Il tuo contributo sarà utilizzato per migliorare la qualità della traduzione e può essere mostrato agli utenti in modo anonimoContribuisciChiudiGrazie per l'invio.Definizioni di Storia del FUG History In the fifteenth century the part of Nubia formerly controlled by Makuria was home to a number of small states and subject to frequent incursions by desert nomads. The situation in Alodia is less well known, but it also seems as though that state had collapsed. The area was reunified under Abdallah Jamma, the gatherer, who came from the eastern regions that had grown wealthy and powerful from the trade on the Red Sea. Abdallah's empire was short lived as in the early sixteenth century the Funj people under Amara Dunkas arrived from the south, having been driven north by the Shilluk. The Funj defeated Abdallah and set up their own kingdom based at Sennar. The Funj had originally practiced a religious mix of Animism and Christianity. Islam also had an important influence, and in 1523 the Sennar monarchy officially converted to that religion, though many elements of the previous beliefs continued. Sennar expanded rapidly at the expense of neighboring states. Its power was extended over the Gezira, the Butana, the Bayuda, and southern Kordofan. This caused immediate tensions with its neighbours. Ethiopia felt much threatened but its internal problems prevented intervention. Newly Ottoman Egypt also saw the new state as a threat and invaded in force, but then failed to conquer the area, so the Ottoman forces fortified the border and consolidated their hold on northern Nubia. This border would hold until 1821. Relations with Ethiopia were more strained as both states competed over lowlands between their two states. Eventually the Ethiopians moved their capital to nearby Gondar and secured their influence over these areas. Conflicts with the Shilluk to the south continued, but later the two were forced into an uneasy alliance to combat the growing might of the Dinka. Under Sultan Badi II, Sennar defeated the Kingdom of Taqali to the west and made its ruler (styled Woster or Makk) its vassal. The armies of Sennar relied most on heavy cavalry: horsemen drawn from the nobility, armed with long broadswords as the toe stirrups they used did not permit the use of lances. These riders were armoured with chain mail while the horses were covered in thick quilts and copper headgear. A greater mass of troops were infantry who were composed of slaves, also carrying swords and armoured. This permanent standing army was garrisoned in castles and forts throughout the sultanate. Reliance on a standing army meant that the armies fielded by Sennar were usually quite small, but highly effective against their less organized rivals. Sennar was heavily divided along geographic and racial/ethnic lines. The society was divided into six racial groups. The blue, the green, the yellow, the red, the green mixed with yellow, and the slaves who were brought from further south. The capital, prosperous through trade, hosted representatives from all over the Middle East and Africa. There was a sharp division between those who were the heirs of the ancient kingdom of Alodia and the rest of Sennar. The Alodians adopted the mantle of the defeated Abdallah Jamma and came to be known as the Abdallab. In the late sixteenth century they rose in revolt under Ajib the Great. Ajib routed the Kings of Sennar, first making them his vassals and then seizing almost the entire kingdom in 1606. The Sennar monarchy regrouped under Adlan I, defeating Ajib in a pair of decisive battles. Eventually a compromise was reached whereby Ajib and his successors would rule the Sennar province of Dongola with a great deal of autonomy. Sennar was at its peak at the end of the sixteenth century, but over the seventeenth it began to decline as the power of the monarchy was eroded. The wealth and power of the sultans had long rested on the control of the economy. All caravans were controlled by the monarch, as was the gold supply that functioned as the state's main currency. In time this power was eroded. Foreign currencies became widely used by merchants breaking the power of the monarch to closely control the economy. The thriving trade created a wealthy class of educated and literate merchants, who read widely about Islam and became much concerned about the lack of orthodoxy in the kingdom. The monarchy of Sennar had long been regarded as semi-divine, in keeping with ancient traditions, but this idea ran strongly counter to Islam. Many festivals and rituals also persisted from earlier days, and a number them involved massive consumption of alcohol. These traditions were also abandoned. The greatest challenge to the authority of the king was the merchant funded ulema who insisted it was rightfully their duty to mete out justice. In 1762 Badi IV was overthrown in a coup launched by Abu Likayik of the red Hamaj from the northeast of the country. Abu Likayik installed another member of the royal family as his puppet sultan and ruled as regent. This began long conflict between the Funj sultans attempting to reassert their independence and authority and the Hamaj regents attempting to maintain control of the true power of the state. These internal divisions greatly weakened the state and in the late 1700s Mek Adlan II, son of Mek Taifara, took power during a turbulent time at which a turkish presence was being established in the Funj kingdom. The Turkish ruler, Al-Tahir Agha, married Khadeeja, daughter of Mek Adlan II. This paved the way for the assimilation of the Funj into the Ottoman Empire. In 1821, Ismail bin Muhammad Ali the general and son of the nominally Ottoman khedive of Egypt, Muhammad Ali, led an army into Sennar; he encountered no resistance from the last king, whose realm was promptly absorbed into Ottoman Egypt. The region was subsequently absorbed into the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan and the independent Republic of Sudan on that country's independence in 1956. Rulers of SennarAmara Dunqas 1503-1533/4 (AH 940) Nayil 1533/4 (AH 940)-1550/1 (AH 957) Abd al-Qadir I 1550/1 (AH 957)-1557/8 (AH 965)Abu Sakikin 1557/8 (AH 965)-1568 Dakin 1568-1585/6 (AH 994)Dawra 1585/6 (AH 994)-1587/8 (AH 996) Tayyib 1587/8 (AH 996)-1591Unsa I 1591-1603/4 (AH 1012) Abd al-Qadir II 1603/4 (AH 1012)-1606Adlan I 1606-1611/2 (AH 1020) Badi I 1611/2 (AH 1020)-1616/7 (AH 1025)Rabat I 1616/7 (AH 1025)-1644/5 Badi II 1644/5-1681Unsa II 1681-1692Badi III 1692-1716Unsa III 1719-1720 Nul 1720-1724Badi IV 1724-1762Nasir 1762-1769Isma'il 1768-1769Adlan II 1776-1789 Awkal 1787-1788Tayyib II 1788-1790Badi V 1790Nawwar 1790-1791Badi VI 1791-1798 Ranfi 1798-1804Agban 1804-1805Badi VII 1805-1821Hamaj regents Abu Likayik - 1769-1775/6Badi walad Rajab - 1775/6-1780Rajab 1780-1786/7 Nasir 1786/7-1788References R.S. O'Fahey and J.L Spaulding Kingdoms of the SudanSinonimi di Storia del FUG History In the fifteenth century the part of Nubia formerly controlled by Makuria was home to a number of small states and subject to frequent incursions by desert nomads. The situation in Alodia is less well known, but it also seems as though that state had collapsed. The area was reunified under Abdallah Jamma, the gatherer, who came from the eastern regions that had grown wealthy and powerful from the trade on the Red Sea. Abdallah's empire was short lived as in the early sixteenth century the Funj people under Amara Dunkas arrived from the south, having been driven north by the Shilluk. The Funj defeated Abdallah and set up their own kingdom based at Sennar. The Funj had originally practiced a religious mix of Animism and Christianity. Islam also had an important influence, and in 1523 the Sennar monarchy officially converted to that religion, though many elements of the previous beliefs continued. Sennar expanded rapidly at the expense of neighboring states. Its power was extended over the Gezira, the Butana, the Bayuda, and southern Kordofan. This caused immediate tensions with its neighbours. Ethiopia felt much threatened but its internal problems prevented intervention. Newly Ottoman Egypt also saw the new state as a threat and invaded in force, but then failed to conquer the area, so the Ottoman forces fortified the border and consolidated their hold on northern Nubia. This border would hold until 1821. Relations with Ethiopia were more strained as both states competed over lowlands between their two states. Eventually the Ethiopians moved their capital to nearby Gondar and secured their influence over these areas. Conflicts with the Shilluk to the south continued, but later the two were forced into an uneasy alliance to combat the growing might of the Dinka. Under Sultan Badi II, Sennar defeated the Kingdom of Taqali to the west and made its ruler (styled Woster or Makk) its vassal. The armies of Sennar relied most on heavy cavalry: horsemen drawn from the nobility, armed with long broadswords as the toe stirrups they used did not permit the use of lances. These riders were armoured with chain mail while the horses were covered in thick quilts and copper headgear. A greater mass of troops were infantry who were composed of slaves, also carrying swords and armoured. This permanent standing army was garrisoned in castles and forts throughout the sultanate. Reliance on a standing army meant that the armies fielded by Sennar were usually quite small, but highly effective against their less organized rivals. Sennar was heavily divided along geographic and racial/ethnic lines. The society was divided into six racial groups. The blue, the green, the yellow, the red, the green mixed with yellow, and the slaves who were brought from further south. The capital, prosperous through trade, hosted representatives from all over the Middle East and Africa. There was a sharp division between those who were the heirs of the ancient kingdom of Alodia and the rest of Sennar. The Alodians adopted the mantle of the defeated Abdallah Jamma and came to be known as the Abdallab. In the late sixteenth century they rose in revolt under Ajib the Great. Ajib routed the Kings of Sennar, first making them his vassals and then seizing almost the entire kingdom in 1606. The Sennar monarchy regrouped under Adlan I, defeating Ajib in a pair of decisive battles. Eventually a compromise was reached whereby Ajib and his successors would rule the Sennar province of Dongola with a great deal of autonomy. Sennar was at its peak at the end of the sixteenth century, but over the seventeenth it began to decline as the power of the monarchy was eroded. The wealth and power of the sultans had long rested on the control of the economy. All caravans were controlled by the monarch, as was the gold supply that functioned as the state's main currency. In time this power was eroded. Foreign currencies became widely used by merchants breaking the power of the monarch to closely control the economy. The thriving trade created a wealthy class of educated and literate merchants, who read widely about Islam and became much concerned about the lack of orthodoxy in the kingdom. The monarchy of Sennar had long been regarded as semi-divine, in keeping with ancient traditions, but this idea ran strongly counter to Islam. Many festivals and rituals also persisted from earlier days, and a number them involved massive consumption of alcohol. These traditions were also abandoned. The greatest challenge to the authority of the king was the merchant funded ulema who insisted it was rightfully their duty to mete out justice. In 1762 Badi IV was overthrown in a coup launched by Abu Likayik of the red Hamaj from the northeast of the country. Abu Likayik installed another member of the royal family as his puppet sultan and ruled as regent. This began long conflict between the Funj sultans attempting to reassert their independence and authority and the Hamaj regents attempting to maintain control of the true power of the state. These internal divisions greatly weakened the state and in the late 1700s Mek Adlan II, son of Mek Taifara, took power during a turbulent time at which a turkish presence was being established in the Funj kingdom. The Turkish ruler, Al-Tahir Agha, married Khadeeja, daughter of Mek Adlan II. This paved the way for the assimilation of the Funj into the Ottoman Empire. In 1821, Ismail bin Muhammad Ali the general and son of the nominally Ottoman khedive of Egypt, Muhammad Ali, led an army into Sennar; he encountered no resistance from the last king, whose realm was promptly absorbed into Ottoman Egypt. The region was subsequently absorbed into the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan and the independent Republic of Sudan on that country's independence in 1956. Rulers of SennarAmara Dunqas 1503-1533/4 (AH 940) Nayil 1533/4 (AH 940)-1550/1 (AH 957) Abd al-Qadir I 1550/1 (AH 957)-1557/8 (AH 965)Abu Sakikin 1557/8 (AH 965)-1568 Dakin 1568-1585/6 (AH 994)Dawra 1585/6 (AH 994)-1587/8 (AH 996) Tayyib 1587/8 (AH 996)-1591Unsa I 1591-1603/4 (AH 1012) Abd al-Qadir II 1603/4 (AH 1012)-1606Adlan I 1606-1611/2 (AH 1020) Badi I 1611/2 (AH 1020)-1616/7 (AH 1025)Rabat I 1616/7 (AH 1025)-1644/5 Badi II 1644/5-1681Unsa II 1681-1692Badi III 1692-1716Unsa III 1719-1720 Nul 1720-1724Badi IV 1724-1762Nasir 1762-1769Isma'il 1768-1769Adlan II 1776-1789 Awkal 1787-1788Tayyib II 1788-1790Badi V 1790Nawwar 1790-1791Badi VI 1791-1798 Ranfi 1798-1804Agban 1804-1805Badi VII 1805-1821Hamaj regents Abu Likayik - 1769-1775/6Badi walad Rajab - 1775/6-1780Rajab 1780-1786/7 Nasir 1786/7-1788References R.S. O'Fahey and J.L Spaulding Kingdoms of the SudanEsempi per Storia del FUG History In the fifteenth century the part of Nubia formerly controlled by Makuria was home to a number of small states and subject to frequent incursions by desert nomads. The situation in Alodia is less well known, but it also seems as though that state had collapsed. The area was reunified under Abdallah Jamma, the gatherer, who came from the eastern regions that had grown wealthy and powerful from the trade on the Red Sea. Abdallah's empire was short lived as in the early sixteenth century the Funj people under Amara Dunkas arrived from the south, having been driven north by the Shilluk. The Funj defeated Abdallah and set up their own kingdom based at Sennar. The Funj had originally practiced a religious mix of Animism and Christianity. Islam also had an important influence, and in 1523 the Sennar monarchy officially converted to that religion, though many elements of the previous beliefs continued. Sennar expanded rapidly at the expense of neighboring states. Its power was extended over the Gezira, the Butana, the Bayuda, and southern Kordofan. This caused immediate tensions with its neighbours. Ethiopia felt much threatened but its internal problems prevented intervention. Newly Ottoman Egypt also saw the new state as a threat and invaded in force, but then failed to conquer the area, so the Ottoman forces fortified the border and consolidated their hold on northern Nubia. This border would hold until 1821. Relations with Ethiopia were more strained as both states competed over lowlands between their two states. Eventually the Ethiopians moved their capital to nearby Gondar and secured their influence over these areas. Conflicts with the Shilluk to the south continued, but later the two were forced into an uneasy alliance to combat the growing might of the Dinka. Under Sultan Badi II, Sennar defeated the Kingdom of Taqali to the west and made its ruler (styled Woster or Makk) its vassal. The armies of Sennar relied most on heavy cavalry: horsemen drawn from the nobility, armed with long broadswords as the toe stirrups they used did not permit the use of lances. These riders were armoured with chain mail while the horses were covered in thick quilts and copper headgear. A greater mass of troops were infantry who were composed of slaves, also carrying swords and armoured. This permanent standing army was garrisoned in castles and forts throughout the sultanate. Reliance on a standing army meant that the armies fielded by Sennar were usually quite small, but highly effective against their less organized rivals. Sennar was heavily divided along geographic and racial/ethnic lines. The society was divided into six racial groups. The blue, the green, the yellow, the red, the green mixed with yellow, and the slaves who were brought from further south. The capital, prosperous through trade, hosted representatives from all over the Middle East and Africa. There was a sharp division between those who were the heirs of the ancient kingdom of Alodia and the rest of Sennar. The Alodians adopted the mantle of the defeated Abdallah Jamma and came to be known as the Abdallab. In the late sixteenth century they rose in revolt under Ajib the Great. Ajib routed the Kings of Sennar, first making them his vassals and then seizing almost the entire kingdom in 1606. The Sennar monarchy regrouped under Adlan I, defeating Ajib in a pair of decisive battles. Eventually a compromise was reached whereby Ajib and his successors would rule the Sennar province of Dongola with a great deal of autonomy. Sennar was at its peak at the end of the sixteenth century, but over the seventeenth it began to decline as the power of the monarchy was eroded. The wealth and power of the sultans had long rested on the control of the economy. All caravans were controlled by the monarch, as was the gold supply that functioned as the state's main currency. In time this power was eroded. Foreign currencies became widely used by merchants breaking the power of the monarch to closely control the economy. The thriving trade created a wealthy class of educated and literate merchants, who read widely about Islam and became much concerned about the lack of orthodoxy in the kingdom. The monarchy of Sennar had long been regarded as semi-divine, in keeping with ancient traditions, but this idea ran strongly counter to Islam. Many festivals and rituals also persisted from earlier days, and a number them involved massive consumption of alcohol. These traditions were also abandoned. The greatest challenge to the authority of the king was the merchant funded ulema who insisted it was rightfully their duty to mete out justice. In 1762 Badi IV was overthrown in a coup launched by Abu Likayik of the red Hamaj from the northeast of the country. Abu Likayik installed another member of the royal family as his puppet sultan and ruled as regent. This began long conflict between the Funj sultans attempting to reassert their independence and authority and the Hamaj regents attempting to maintain control of the true power of the state. These internal divisions greatly weakened the state and in the late 1700s Mek Adlan II, son of Mek Taifara, took power during a turbulent time at which a turkish presence was being established in the Funj kingdom. The Turkish ruler, Al-Tahir Agha, married Khadeeja, daughter of Mek Adlan II. This paved the way for the assimilation of the Funj into the Ottoman Empire. In 1821, Ismail bin Muhammad Ali the general and son of the nominally Ottoman khedive of Egypt, Muhammad Ali, led an army into Sennar; he encountered no resistance from the last king, whose realm was promptly absorbed into Ottoman Egypt. The region was subsequently absorbed into the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan and the independent Republic of Sudan on that country's independence in 1956. Rulers of SennarAmara Dunqas 1503-1533/4 (AH 940) Nayil 1533/4 (AH 940)-1550/1 (AH 957) Abd al-Qadir I 1550/1 (AH 957)-1557/8 (AH 965)Abu Sakikin 1557/8 (AH 965)-1568 Dakin 1568-1585/6 (AH 994)Dawra 1585/6 (AH 994)-1587/8 (AH 996) Tayyib 1587/8 (AH 996)-1591Unsa I 1591-1603/4 (AH 1012) Abd al-Qadir II 1603/4 (AH 1012)-1606Adlan I 1606-1611/2 (AH 1020) Badi I 1611/2 (AH 1020)-1616/7 (AH 1025)Rabat I 1616/7 (AH 1025)-1644/5 Badi II 1644/5-1681Unsa II 1681-1692Badi III 1692-1716Unsa III 1719-1720 Nul 1720-1724Badi IV 1724-1762Nasir 1762-1769Isma'il 1768-1769Adlan II 1776-1789 Awkal 1787-1788Tayyib II 1788-1790Badi V 1790Nawwar 1790-1791Badi VI 1791-1798 Ranfi 1798-1804Agban 1804-1805Badi VII 1805-1821Hamaj regents Abu Likayik - 1769-1775/6Badi walad Rajab - 1775/6-1780Rajab 1780-1786/7 Nasir 1786/7-1788References R.S. O'Fahey and J.L Spaulding Kingdoms of the SudanVedi anche Traduzioni di Storia del FUG History In the fifteenth century the part of Nubia formerly controlled by Makuria was home to a number of small states and subject to frequent incursions by desert nomads. The situation in Alodia is less well known, but it also seems as though that state had collapsed. The area was reunified under Abdallah Jamma, the gatherer, who came from the eastern regions that had grown wealthy and powerful from the trade on the Red Sea. Abdallah's empire was short lived as in the early sixteenth century the Funj people under Amara Dunkas arrived from the south, having been driven north by the Shilluk. The Funj defeated Abdallah and set up their own kingdom based at Sennar. The Funj had originally practiced a religious mix of Animism and Christianity. Islam also had an important influence, and in 1523 the Sennar monarchy officially converted to that religion, though many elements of the previous beliefs continued. Sennar expanded rapidly at the expense of neighboring states. Its power was extended over the Gezira, the Butana, the Bayuda, and southern Kordofan. This caused immediate tensions with its neighbours. Ethiopia felt much threatened but its internal problems prevented intervention. Newly Ottoman Egypt also saw the new state as a threat and invaded in force, but then failed to conquer the area, so the Ottoman forces fortified the border and consolidated their hold on northern Nubia. This border would hold until 1821. Relations with Ethiopia were more strained as both states competed over lowlands between their two states. Eventually the Ethiopians moved their capital to nearby Gondar and secured their influence over these areas. Conflicts with the Shilluk to the south continued, but later the two were forced into an uneasy alliance to combat the growing might of the Dinka. Under Sultan Badi II, Sennar defeated the Kingdom of Taqali to the west and made its ruler (styled Woster or Makk) its vassal. The armies of Sennar relied most on heavy cavalry: horsemen drawn from the nobility, armed with long broadswords as the toe stirrups they used did not permit the use of lances. These riders were armoured with chain mail while the horses were covered in thick quilts and copper headgear. A greater mass of troops were infantry who were composed of slaves, also carrying swords and armoured. This permanent standing army was garrisoned in castles and forts throughout the sultanate. Reliance on a standing army meant that the armies fielded by Sennar were usually quite small, but highly effective against their less organized rivals. Sennar was heavily divided along geographic and racial/ethnic lines. The society was divided into six racial groups. The blue, the green, the yellow, the red, the green mixed with yellow, and the slaves who were brought from further south. The capital, prosperous through trade, hosted representatives from all over the Middle East and Africa. There was a sharp division between those who were the heirs of the ancient kingdom of Alodia and the rest of Sennar. The Alodians adopted the mantle of the defeated Abdallah Jamma and came to be known as the Abdallab. In the late sixteenth century they rose in revolt under Ajib the Great. Ajib routed the Kings of Sennar, first making them his vassals and then seizing almost the entire kingdom in 1606. The Sennar monarchy regrouped under Adlan I, defeating Ajib in a pair of decisive battles. Eventually a compromise was reached whereby Ajib and his successors would rule the Sennar province of Dongola with a great deal of autonomy. Sennar was at its peak at the end of the sixteenth century, but over the seventeenth it began to decline as the power of the monarchy was eroded. The wealth and power of the sultans had long rested on the control of the economy. All caravans were controlled by the monarch, as was the gold supply that functioned as the state's main currency. In time this power was eroded. Foreign currencies became widely used by merchants breaking the power of the monarch to closely control the economy. The thriving trade created a wealthy class of educated and literate merchants, who read widely about Islam and became much concerned about the lack of orthodoxy in the kingdom. The monarchy of Sennar had long been regarded as semi-divine, in keeping with ancient traditions, but this idea ran strongly counter to Islam. Many festivals and rituals also persisted from earlier days, and a number them involved massive consumption of alcohol. These traditions were also abandoned. The greatest challenge to the authority of the king was the merchant funded ulema who insisted it was rightfully their duty to mete out justice. In 1762 Badi IV was overthrown in a coup launched by Abu Likayik of the red Hamaj from the northeast of the country. Abu Likayik installed another member of the royal family as his puppet sultan and ruled as regent. This began long conflict between the Funj sultans attempting to reassert their independence and authority and the Hamaj regents attempting to maintain control of the true power of the state. These internal divisions greatly weakened the state and in the late 1700s Mek Adlan II, son of Mek Taifara, took power during a turbulent time at which a turkish presence was being established in the Funj kingdom. The Turkish ruler, Al-Tahir Agha, married Khadeeja, daughter of Mek Adlan II. This paved the way for the assimilation of the Funj into the Ottoman Empire. In 1821, Ismail bin Muhammad Ali the general and son of the nominally Ottoman khedive of Egypt, Muhammad Ali, led an army into Sennar; he encountered no resistance from the last king, whose realm was promptly absorbed into Ottoman Egypt. The region was subsequently absorbed into the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan and the independent Republic of Sudan on that country's independence in 1956. Rulers of SennarAmara Dunqas 1503-1533/4 (AH 940) Nayil 1533/4 (AH 940)-1550/1 (AH 957) Abd al-Qadir I 1550/1 (AH 957)-1557/8 (AH 965)Abu Sakikin 1557/8 (AH 965)-1568 Dakin 1568-1585/6 (AH 994)Dawra 1585/6 (AH 994)-1587/8 (AH 996) Tayyib 1587/8 (AH 996)-1591Unsa I 1591-1603/4 (AH 1012) Abd al-Qadir II 1603/4 (AH 1012)-1606Adlan I 1606-1611/2 (AH 1020) Badi I 1611/2 (AH 1020)-1616/7 (AH 1025)Rabat I 1616/7 (AH 1025)-1644/5 Badi II 1644/5-1681Unsa II 1681-1692Badi III 1692-1716Unsa III 1719-1720 Nul 1720-1724Badi IV 1724-1762Nasir 1762-1769Isma'il 1768-1769Adlan II 1776-1789 Awkal 1787-1788Tayyib II 1788-1790Badi V 1790Nawwar 1790-1791Badi VI 1791-1798 Ranfi 1798-1804Agban 1804-1805Badi VII 1805-1821Hamaj regents Abu Likayik - 1769-1775/6Badi walad Rajab - 1775/6-1780Rajab 1780-1786/7 Nasir 1786/7-1788ReferencesR.S. O'Fahey and J.L Spaulding Kingdoms of the Sudan